11 April, 2026

Iran no longer needs nukes: Strait of Hormuz is its ultimate deterrent

Iran no longer needs nukes: Strait of Hormuz is its ultimate deterrent

Iran no longer needs nukes: Strait of Hormuz is its ultimate deterrent

An illustration showing the Strait of Hormuz and a map of the Middle East. (Collage prepared by Türkiye Today/Zehra Kurtulus)

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An illustration showing the Strait of Hormuz and a map of the Middle East. (Collage prepared by Türkiye Today/Zehra Kurtulus)

By Ahmad Hashemi

April 11, 2026 02:19 PM GMT+03:00

For decades, the specter of a nuclear-armed Iran has dominated the nightmares of Western strategists.

From the halls of Congress to the corridors of the Knesset, the debate has remained fixed on centrifuges, enrichment levels, and the “breakout time” required for Tehran to assemble a warhead.

However, the 40-day conflict involving the United States, Israel, and Iran has shattered this conventional paradigm.

An unexpected reality has emerged from the smoke of battle: Iran does not need a nuclear bomb to achieve strategic deterrence against its archenemies.

Iran has realized that it possesses a weapon of mass disruption far more potent than any atomic bombs.

As Dmitry Medvedev, the former Russian President, noted, Iran has already tested its “nuclear” weapon: control over the Strait of Hormuz.

The Strait of Hormuz is the world’s most critical oil artery—a narrow chokepoint through which one-fifth of the world’s liquid energy consumption passes daily.

Since the start of the conflict on Feb. 28, Iran’s disruption of shipping in the Strait has severely impacted global energy markets and maritime trade, and in the wake of recent hostilities, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) shifted its focus from land-based defense to maritime dominance.

By weaponizing the logistics of the Persian Gulf, Iran has proven that its true power lies in its ability to wage economic, logistical, and energy warfare.

A close-up map highlights the Strait of Hormuz, bordered by Iran and key Gulf states, accessed on April 14, 2024. (Adobe Stock Photo)

A close-up map highlights the Strait of Hormuz, bordered by Iran and key Gulf states, accessed on April 14, 2024. (Adobe Stock Photo)

Reverse engineering regime change

The strategic calculus has undergone a seismic shift.

For years, the stated or whispered goal of Washington was regime change in Tehran.

Yet, as the IRGC tightened its grip on the strait, the roles reversed. By disrupting shipping and threatening the global energy supply, Iran demonstrated a new capability: the power to influence political stability within the United States and the rest of the world.

In a globalized economy, energy prices are not just economic issues; they are the pulse of political stability.

A sustained spike in global inflation, triggered by a blockade or a “shipping war” in the Strait, could challenge Western governments—and, for that matter, all governments—more effectively than any conventional war.

Thus, as Vice President J.D. Vance is about to meet with Iranian negotiators in Pakistan to hammer out a potentially lasting peace deal, the U.S. priority has abruptly pivoted from the lofty goal of regime change to the desperate necessity of reopening the Strait.

This realization redefines the concept of deterrence. In the traditional sense, nuclear weapons prevent war by threatening total destruction.

But nuclear weapons are often “too big, too consequential” to use; they invite immediate global pariah status. Conversely, the Strait of Hormuz offers a “sliding scale” of deterrence.

Having survived an unprovoked, indiscriminate, illegal, and existential U.S.-Israeli airstrikes and Trump’s genocidal threats to wipe out Iran’s civilization,

Tehran is now undeterred and can dial the pressure up or down—hitting a tanker here, harassing a destroyer there, or mining a shipping lane—creating a perpetual energy crisis that keeps the global economy in a state of high anxiety.

Jag Vasant, an Indian-flagged tanker carrying liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) that transited through the Strait of Hormuz amid the Middle East war, remains docked at an offloading terminal along the coast in Mumbai on April 1, 2026. (AFP Photo)

Jag Vasant, an Indian-flagged tanker carrying liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) that transited through the Strait of Hormuz amid the Middle East war, remains docked at an offloading terminal along the coast in Mumbai on April 1, 2026. (AFP Photo)

New diplomatic hand

As diplomacy between Tehran and Washington tentatively resumes, the stakes have fundamentally changed.

In previous rounds of negotiations, the focus was almost entirely on nuclear enrichment and ballistic missile ranges. Today, Iran enters the room with a much stronger hand.

Tehran may be willing to offer concessions on its nuclear program or limit the range of its missiles, but it is unlikely to concede regarding its influence over the Strait.

Tehran understands that a nuclear deal is a piece of paper that can be trashed by a U.S. president at any time, but geographic control of the world’s energy chokepoint is a physical reality.

Iran may use this leverage to pressure the U.S. and its ally Israel, to halt massacres in Lebanon, Palestine, or other international theaters.

Iran can’t find or remove its own mines in Strait of Hormuz

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Iran can

‘You don’t need a backup plan’, Trump vows Hormuz will open ‘with or without’ Iran

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Iran ‘has no cards’ other than Hormuz as Trump says US warships reload

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Iran

Iran is expected to use its “discovered” maritime leverage—beyond immediate financial gain—to demand long-term security guarantees and deterrence measures in any final peace settlement with the United States.

However, Iran’s reliance on this “maritime deterrent” is not without risks. The image of confidence Iran projects masks a deeply fragile domestic reality; it is a regime grappling with economic collapse, political unrest, and weakening legitimacy in the aftermath of the mass killings of protesters on Jan. 8 and 9 in the streets of Tehran.

The very “energy war” Iran wages to protect itself also risks further isolating its economy and impoverishing its people, potentially fueling the domestic fire it seeks to extinguish.

The United States now faces a grueling path forward. After the devastating 40-day war, mistrust is at an all-time high, and the critical talks on the Strait, the proxies, and the nuclear program are now inextricably linked.

While the United States has long positioned itself as the primary guarantor of “free passage” in international waters, particularly since World War II, that promise is difficult to keep when the “gatekeeper” is a hostile power willing to commit to a war of economic attrition.

Infographic showing the different types of naval mines that the United States has accused Iran of using in the Strait of Hormuz, a claim denied by Tehran. (AFP Infographic)

Infographic showing the different types of naval mines that the United States has accused Iran of using in the Strait of Hormuz, a claim denied by Tehran. (AFP Infographic)

The asymmetric era

The lessons of the last 40-days are clear: we must stop viewing the Iranian threat through the narrow lens of the 20th-century proliferation and nuclear arms race.

We are in a new era of “asymmetric deterrence,” where the flow of a commodity is more valuable than the splitting of an atom.

Iran has discovered that it doesn’t need a bomb to challenge its enemies if it can simply harass them at the gas pump.

The stakes are high, and the declared two-week ceasefire is fragile, as Iran’s 10-point and Trump’s 15-point plans have few overlaps, if any.

Regardless of how the talks in Islamabad progress, the Strait of Hormuz will remain the true barometer of peace and a new tool of Iran’s power projection and deterrence.

Until the world finds a way to decouple the global economy from this 21-mile-wide chokepoint, Iran will remain the most powerful “un-nuclear” state in the region and beyond, holding the keys to global stability in the palm of its hand.

https://www.turkiyetoday.com/opinion/iran-no-longer-needs-nukes-strait-of-hormuz-is-its-ultimate-deterrent-3217889?s=1

25 March, 2026

Ahmad Hashemi's Interview with BBC Radio 5 Live



Ahmad Hashemi’s Interview with BBC Radio 5 Live

I told BBC Radio 5 Live that while the US-Israel war of choice has shifted the leadership dynamics in Tehran, it has inadvertently strengthened the regime’s grip and delayed any internal movement toward democracy and regime change.

Key Takeaways from the Interview

  • Leadership Shift: The war has replaced “Khamenei Senior” with “Khamenei Junior,” who is more hardline. However, due to his uncertain health and disappearance from public view, the IRGC has taken primary control of the country.
  • Delay in Regime Change: Despite 70–80% of the population opposing the Islamist regime, the war has created a “rally around the flag” effect. The prospect of an uprising or regime change—which seemed possible following the bloody crackdown on mass protests in early 2026—is now considered “off the table” for the foreseeable future.
  • Geopolitical Empowerment: The war has allowed Iran to project power more aggressively than before. Most notably, their ability to control the Strait of Hormuz and disrupt 20% of the world’s energy supply has empowered the regime and caused global oil prices to spike.
  • Internal Governance: Iran is a “semi-dictatorship” rather than a one-man show; even with the Supreme Leader potentially incapacitated, the system remains functional because power is diversified among various structures, such as the IRGC.

#AhmadHashemi #Iran #MiddleEast #Geopolitics #Tehran #StraitOfHormuz #EnergySecurity #ForeignPolicy #BreakingNews #BBCRadio5

#IRGC #Khamenei #RegimeChange #IranProtests #IranElection #PoliticalAnalysis #InternalGovernance

#OilPrices #EnergyCrisis #GlobalEconomy #USIsrael #NationalSecurity #RallyAroundTheFlag

#Iran #Geopolitics #IRGC #StraitOfHormuz #MiddleEastConflict #GlobalEconomy

17 March, 2026

Operation Epic Fury: Decoding Sentiment Inside Iranian Society

 Here is my take on the U.S.-Israeli air campaigns against Iran:

Operation Epic Fury: Decoding Sentiment Inside Iranian Society
Writer: Wikistrat
Mar 10
The U.S.-Israeli air campaign has entered its second week, and Washington is looking to declare victory. But the Islamic Republic is intact, a successor is in place, and Iran's strategic calculus is already oriented toward reconstitution. On March 10, Wikistrat invited expert Ahmad Hashemi to assess the regime's wartime resilience, the hereditary succession, the failure of the opposition, and why no amount of bombing will produce the political transformation that Washington and Jerusalem expect
Ahmad Hashemi is Director of the Middle East and Central Asia Program at the Global Policy Institute (GPI), bringing a unique background as a former Foreign Ministry linguist, pro-democracy activist, and freelance journalist in Iran. His commentary and analysis have appeared in The Hill, National Interest, Washington Examiner, BBC Persian, Al Arabiya, and numerous other outlets.
Key Insights
A unilateral declaration of victory solves Washington's problem, not the region's
President Trump has already more than enough material to claim a tremendous win: Iran's ballistic missile infrastructure is severely degraded, what remained of the nuclear program after the June 2025 strikes has been further set back, and the supreme leader is dead. But none of that translates into a defined political outcome. Iran wants the war prolonged because every additional day worsens U.S. domestic political dynamics, rattles energy markets, and strengthens Tehran's hand. A quick declaration of victory without a durable settlement hands the regime exactly what it needs: survival framed as triumph.
The regime is turning the war into a religious narrative, and it is working
The killing of Khamenei during Ramadan handed the Islamic Republic a propaganda gift it could not have engineered on its own. In Shiite Islam, martyrdom during the holy month carries extraordinary spiritual weight. For the regime's base, and for a broader segment of Iranian society than Western analysts typically acknowledge, this is not merely a political event but a sacred one. The secular-leaning majority and the religiously committed minority are not the same audience, and the regime is speaking directly to the latter with a message that resonates at the deepest level of identity.
The hereditary succession breaks the republic's own rules, but wartime made it possible
Under normal conditions, installing the son of a supreme leader would have been ideologically untenable for a regime that was founded to end hereditary rule. The war changed the calculus. The clerical establishment, the IRGC, and the loyalist base coalesced around Mojtaba Khamenei, not because he was the most qualified candidate but because continuity was the safest option in a moment of existential pressure. He is reclusive, has never spoken publicly, and is reported to be more hardline than his father. The selection signals that the system prioritized regime continuity over any prospect of internal reform.
The bombing will not trigger a popular uprising
The expectation in Washington and Jerusalem that sustained bombardment would drive the Iranian public into the streets to overthrow their government reflects a fundamental misreading of how societies respond to external attack. The same pattern played out after the twelve-day war in June 2025: despite severe economic distress, no major protests materialized for six months. The rally-around-the-flag effect is real and predictable. Those who celebrated the strikes on social media will face consequences, as the regime is already discussing property confiscation and AI-assisted identification of domestic sympathizers. Far from mobilizing, the opposition is being identified, tracked, and marked for reprisal.
Iran will reconstitute its deterrent, this time underground and without transparency
The regime's immediate post-war priorities are clear: rebuild missile production capacity, accelerate the nuclear program, and restore the ability to threaten retaliation. The critical shift is that future development will be more covert, more dispersed, and smaller in scale, designed to avoid the vulnerabilities exposed by this campaign. The dominant internal narrative has now crystallized: had Iran possessed nuclear weapons, it would not have been bombed. That argument, once confined to hardliners, is now the mainstream position. Iran intends to become the North Korea of the Middle East, trading international standing for immunity from attack.
The reformist camp is finished for the foreseeable future
Whatever residual influence moderates and reformists retained within the system has been eliminated by the war. Voices that advocated for diplomatic flexibility, including former president Hassan Rouhani, who questioned the hereditary succession, are being sidelined. The regime's orientation for the coming years will be defined by reconstitution, repression, and deterrence. There is no political space for conciliation, and anyone who advocates for it risks being branded a collaborator.
The monarchist opposition has been labeled as traitors complicit in Iran's destruction
The Crown Prince's close alignment with Israel and the U.S. right wing, combined with diaspora figures openly cheering the bombardment of Iranian infrastructure, has handed the regime a propaganda gift: the narrative that the opposition is a foreign project. Inside Iran, the regime will now amplify this framing, labeling opposition figures as traitors complicit in national destruction, whether or not ordinary Iranians accept that framing at face value. The MEK, an exiled Iranian opposition group that originally fought the Shah and later turned against the Islamic Republic, remains universally despised. No credible, organized alternative exists.
The ethnic dimension is the most underexamined variable in Iran's future
Iran's non-Persian minorities, including Kurds, Azerbaijanis, Baluchis, and Arabs, constitute roughly half the population and have deeper grievances and stronger motivations for change than the Persian center. Any serious strategy for political transformation must engage the periphery, not just the capital. But a Kurdish-only approach, which some in Washington and Jerusalem have floated, would unite every other group against it. Azerbaijanis have territorial disputes with Kurds. Persians would rally behind the state. A viable opposition framework requires a multi-ethnic coalition with guarantees of territorial integrity and federal governance, a consensus that does not exist and would take years to build.
Israel and Iran share one strategic interest: the other side's chaos
There is a striking symmetry at work: both the Israeli and Iranian establishments thrive on regional instability. Israel's objective is not a reformed Iran but a distracted, fragmented one. Iran's proxy strategy served a similar function in reverse. The Kurdish forces in the region have internalized this lesson, as the YPG, the Syrian Kurdish militia that served as Washington's primary ground partner against ISIS, has publicly warned against trusting Western partners who treat local actors as disposable instruments. Any externally supported opposition effort that appears transactional will be rejected by the very populations it claims to empower.
The regime's survival floor is higher than most analysts assume
The Islamic Republic retains a committed base of at least twenty percent of the population, well armed, well resourced, and ideologically dedicated. That is more than sufficient to maintain control over an unarmed civilian population. Beyond that, Hashemi raises a point rarely discussed in open analysis: Iran possesses undisclosed chemical weapons stockpiles, maintained through dual-use production facilities that have consistently shown surplus output ahead of international inspections. The fact that these have not been deployed is itself an indicator that the regime does not consider itself near collapse. The instruments of last resort remain sheathed.
The real contest begins when the bombing stops
The air campaign was the simple part. What follows is a strategic environment defined by a more hardline Iranian leadership, an accelerated covert weapons program, a traumatized and surveilled domestic population, a discredited diaspora opposition, a destabilized Gulf, and no framework for political change. The United States needs a comprehensive, predominantly non-kinetic Iran strategy, and nothing in the current approach suggests one is being formulated. Iran's leaders think in decades. The window for shaping the post-war order is measured in months, and it is already closing.



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