26 June, 2026

Misreading Tehran: 10 brutal lessons Iran drew from US, Israeli military campaign

Misreading Tehran: 10 brutal lessons Iran drew from US, Israeli military campaign

Misreading Tehran: 10 brutal lessons Iran drew from US, Israeli military campaign

Realpolitik, by Ahmad Hashemi

Jun 26, 2026

Misreading Tehran: 10 brutal lessons Iran drew from US, Israeli military campaign

A man reads a copy of the Iranian daily newspaper Hamshahri bearing an image of the US president and a headline that reads

By Ahmad Hashemi

June 24, 2026 09:42 AM GMT+03:00

Ahmad Hashemi is a reader-supported publication. To receive new posts and support my work, consider becoming a free or paid subscriber.

With a preliminary agreement to end the U.S.-Israeli war, international observers have started calculating the damage inflicted upon the Islamic Republic of Iran, pointing to shattered proxy infrastructure, a degraded military, destroyed missile and drone sites, and deep economic isolation as evidence of a regime on the ropes

But in Tehran, the leadership is drawing a drastically different conclusion.

Rather than facing imminent collapse, the Iranian regime has emerged from Operation Epic Fury with a battle-tested playbook for survival that makes another major confrontation with the U.S. highly unlikely. The conflict has not humiliated Tehran. It has educated it. For a regime obsessed with self-preservation, the war has provided a masterclass in modern geopolitical resilience, offering ten definitive lessons that will shape Iran’s strategic culture vis-à-vis future conflicts with the United States.

First: War is a blessing

Ruhollah Khomeini, the founder of the Islamic Republic of Iran, famously described the devastating eight-year war with Iraq as a “divine blessing” because of its apparent rally-around-the-flag effect. Likewise, the current regime has rediscovered the truth that war is a boon simply because the greatest existential threat to the Iranian government is not Washington or Tel Aviv, but its own disgruntled citizens.

The regime that was grappling with massive protests in recent years has realized that a major external threat silences domestic dissent, leaving virtually no viable political opposition in Iran for the foreseeable future. By framing itself as the defender of the nation against foreign aggression, the regime has successfully neutralized its internal enemies.

Second: Regime can survive the worst the ‘satans’ can dish out

This lesson is one of profound defiance: Tehran has learned it can weather any storm the two “Satans” unleash. Iran calls Israel the “Little Satan” and the United States the “Great Satan.” For decades, the regime braced for a catastrophic U.S. military intervention. However, experiencing the actual conflict revealed that even this worst-case scenario is survivable. There is immense strategic relief in Tehran’s realization that foreign-engineered regime change is off the table. Ultimately, the takeaway is clear: what doesn’t kill the regime makes it stronger.

Third: Strait of Hormuz is now Iran’s most powerful weapon

While a nuclear breakout remains the long-term goal, Tehran has found an immediate conventional equalizer: the Strait of Hormuz. It is now Iran’s most powerful weapon, arguably even more critical than a nuclear bomb.

By holding a chokepoint through which a fifth of the world’s liquefied natural gas and 20% of its oil passes, Tehran wields global economic leverage capable of deterring Western aggression. Iran is expected to use the waterway as a valuable bargaining chip and to shut it down in response to a major escalation.

Fourth: Iran must acquire nuclear weapons

In the short term, there will be nuclear concessions to make as Iran’s economy direly needs sanctions relief and a financial lifeline to recover. But the war has only accelerated Tehran’s long-term nuclear ambitions. The regime’s strategic consciousness dictates that Iran must acquire nuclear weapons, no matter how long it takes.

Tehran has watched the historical consequences of nuclear capitulation: Ukraine gave up its nuclear stockpile and was invaded; Libya, Syria, and Iraq abandoned their programs or lacked nuclear deterrents and saw their regimes toppled. Conversely, North Korea built the bomb and successfully insulated itself from foreign-led regime change. Iran views a nuclear arsenal not as a tool of provocation, but as the ultimate insurance policy.

Iranian soccer fans cheer as they watch a broadcast of the 2026 World Cup Group G football match between Belgium and Iran in Tehran, Iran, on June 21, 2026. (AFP Photo)

Iranian soccer fans cheer as they watch a broadcast of the 2026 World Cup Group G football match between Belgium and Iran in Tehran, Iran, on June 21, 2026. (AFP Photo)

Fifth: The proxy network must be rebuilt

This war exposed a consequential vulnerability for Iran: the proxy network plays a key role in Iran’s “Forward Defense” doctrine and must be rebuilt and reinforced. This network, framed as an “Axis of Resistance,” enabled Tehran to project power and influence across the region against Israel and the United States. Tehran observed that when its proxy groups were degraded following events unleashed after the Oct. 7, 2023, attacks, Israel felt empowered to strike Iran directly. To maintain strategic depth, rebuilding Hezbollah, the Houthis, and Iraqi militias is a matter of immediate national security.

Sixth: China is indispensable

Iran recognizes that financing its multi-front strategy requires economic lifelines, and as Iran’s main oil buyer, China is essential. The conflict proved that American-led sanctions cannot destroy the regime as long as Beijing steps in. China currently purchases roughly 90% of Iran’s oil, providing a vital economic artery that funds Iran’s nuclear, ballistic, drone, and proxy networks despite Western sanctions.

Seventh: Cheap drones are expensive

Technologically, the war redefined the economics of modern combat. Tehran learned that the drone is king. Cheap, mass-produced Iranian drones like the “Shahed-136 Kamikaze Drone” forced the United States and the Gulf Arab states to expend billions of dollars on sophisticated air-defense interceptors, turning the financial calculus of war entirely in Iran’s favor.

Iranian-made Shahed-136 'Kamikaze' drone flies over the sky of Kermanshah, Iran, March 7, 2024. (AFP Photo)

Iranian-made Shahed-136 ‘Kamikaze’ drone flies over the sky of Kermanshah, Iran, March 7, 2024. (AFP Photo)

Eighth: Hypersonic missiles are game changers

Simultaneously, while standard missile salvos successfully bought time, Tehran realized that to inflict pain, it must possess hypersonic missiles. Hypersonic weapons—almost untraceable and capable of piercing Israel’s advanced defense shields—are viewed as the necessary edge to directly threaten Israel and U.S. bases in the Gulf.

Ninth: Airstrikes cannot achieve regime change

The ninth lesson shatters the myth of airborne intervention: airpower and foreign airstrikes cannot achieve regime change, no matter how massive the campaign is, or how advanced the world’s strongest armies are. Without boots on the ground, an embattled but firmly entrenched regime can withstand the rain of fire from above. This lesson will solidify Iran’s grand strategy centered on resilience, proxies, and the mass production of affordable drones.

Tenth: Prolonged asymmetric warfare is heavily to Iran’s advantage

The war with Iran wreaked havoc on the global economy, causing massive disruptions to energy supplies and spiking inflation. Global crude prices skyrocketed due to Iran’s closure of the Strait of Hormuz. The resulting economic fallout and pressure at the pump eventually forced the Trump administration to halt the war. If anything, this once again proved to Tehran that prolonged asymmetric warfare is heavily to its advantage. Western democracies are sensitive to time, election cycles, casualties, and economic instability; authoritarian regimes built on ideological survival are not. By dragging out conflicts through asymmetric means, Iran can outlast its adversaries.

In conclusion, the U.S.-Israeli war was intended to deter and diminish Iran. Instead, it has achieved the opposite. Tehran has emerged more confident, more cynical, and utterly convinced of its own durability. If the United States continues to rely on the old playbook of sanctions and airstrikes, it will find itself fighting an adversary that has already adapted to the future of warfare.

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Link:

https://www.turkiyetoday.com/opinion/misreading-tehran-10-brutal-lessons-iran-drew-from-us-israeli-military-campaign-3222562?s=1

https://realpolitikbyahmad.substack.com/p/misreading-tehran-10-brutal-lessons

Author photo of Ahmad Hashemi

Ahmad Hashemi

Ahmad Hashemi is the Director of the Middle East and Central Asia Program at the Global Policy Institute (GPI). He has a unique background as a former Iranian Foreign Ministry official, freelance journalist, and pro-democracy activist. Mr. Hashemi received a BA in Political Science from the University of Tehran and an MA in Regional Studies (American Studies) from the School of International Relations, affiliated with Iran’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs. In 2022, he graduated from Missouri State University’s Department of Defense and Strategic Studies in Fairfax, Virginia, with a Master of Science in Defense and Strategic Studies. His professional experience includes a research fellowship at the Hudson Institute, where his work focused on Iran, Azerbaijan, and Middle Eastern foreign policy. As a freelance journalist, Mr. Hashemi has authored hundreds of pieces in Persian, Turkish, Azerbaijani, and English for outlets such as The National Interest, The Hill, The Washington Examiner, JNS, The Times of Israel, The Jerusalem Post, Israel Hayom, BBC Persian, Al Arabiya, Iran International, and The Independent Persian. Follow him on X @MrAhmadHashemi.

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24 June, 2026

Three M’s Ended the War with Iran—and would Prevent Its Resumption

 

Three M’s Ended the War with Iran—and would Prevent Its Resumption

Three M’s Ended the War with Iran—and would Prevent Its Resumption

Realpolitik, by Ahmad Hashemi

Jun 24, 2026

Three M’s Ended the War with Iran—and would Prevent Its Resumption

Ahmad Hashemi

When the guns finally went silent over the Persian Gulf after 90 days of relentless airstrikes, the sudden pause caught almost everyone off guard. The conflict ended not with a dramatic battlefield victory, but with the stroke of a pen at a G7 summit in France.

This wasn’t a breakthrough born out of a decisive win. Instead, President Donald Trump’s decision to halt military operations and sign a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) was driven by a cold calculation of domestic and global pressures. Three brutal realities forced the White House’s hand: Markets, Munitions, and Midterm Elections.

One- Markets: Staving Off Global Economic Collapse

First and foremost, the war had to end because the global economy was on the brink of collapse. Modern warfare is always expensive, but a conflict that chokes off the world’s primary energy arteries carries a price tag that no sitting American president can afford.

The breaking point was the Strait of Hormuz. When the fighting effectively closed this narrow chokepoint—which handles roughly 20% of the world’s petroleum and natural gas—shockwaves ripped through global markets. Energy costs skyrocketed overnight, gas prices at home spiked, and an already stubborn inflation rate threatened to spiral completely out of control.

Speaking to reporters after signing the MOU in France, Trump didn’t mince words. He admitted his timeline for peace was driven by the blood-red numbers flashing across Wall Street trading screens, stating bluntly that he stopped the three-month war because the world was on the verge of “going into a depression.” In a rare moment of historical reflection, Trump noted that he was determined not to become the next Herbert Hoover.

The market’s reaction proved he was right to worry. The moment the U.S. Navy announced it would lift its blockade and reopen shipping lanes, global stocks rallied fiercely. More importantly, oil prices plunged back below the psychologically critical $90-a-barrel mark, giving a gasping global economy room to breathe.

Two- Munitions: The Empty Arsenal of Democracy

While the public face of the ceasefire was all about saving the economy, a much more alarming crisis was unfolding behind closed doors at the Pentagon. The sheer intensity of the 90-day bombing campaign had pushed America’s military stockpile to its absolute limit.

Post-war analyses from defense think tanks like the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) and the American Enterprise Institute (AEI) revealed a terrifying reality: the U.S. military was burning through high-end precision munitions at an unsustainable rate. Tomahawk cruise missiles and advanced air-defense interceptors—vital for taking out Iranian missile batteries and protecting American ships—were running dangerously low. The U.S. was on the verge of running on empty. Defense experts estimate it could take three to six years just to replenish these sophisticated weapons systems to pre-war levels. Because of supply chain bottlenecks, factory lines simply cannot ramp up production overnight.

This created a massive strategic vulnerability. If Trump had prolonged the war for another few months, the U.S. would have been left virtually defenseless if a second crisis suddenly boiled over in places like the Indo-Pacific or Eastern Europe. The White House realized it couldn’t afford to fight a war of attrition when its own ammunition gauges were flashing red.

Three- Midterm Elections: The Unforgiving Political Math

The final pressure point was domestic politics. No matter how grand a commander-in-chief’s foreign policy goals might be, they always clash eventually with the reality of the ballot box.

By month three of the war, the public’s patience had worn thin. Abstract arguments about “regional stability” and “containment” don’t mean much to everyday Americans watching their paychecks get eaten alive by soaring gas prices and inflation.

Behind the scenes, Republican strategists and internal pollsters delivered a brutal wake-up call to the Oval Office: if this war keeps going and gas stays this high, they are looking at an absolute bloodbath in November. The data showed the party was on track to lose control of both the House and the Senate.

Faced with the prospect of a crippled agenda and a hostile Congress for the rest of his term, Trump chose political survival over total military victory. The instinct for self-preservation overrode the desire to keep hammering Tehran. Ending the war was the only way to cool down inflation and save his party’s thin majorities in Washington.

The Reality Check: How to Keep the Peace

Understanding the “Three M’s” explains why the strikes stopped, but it also provides a stark blueprint for the future. The current peace is incredibly fragile—it’s an armed truce, not a permanent treaty. The Three M’s saved the world from a catastrophic depression and gave the U.S. military a chance to catch its breath. But peace takes work. If Washington doesn’t fix its broken supply chains, secure its energy resiliency, and rebuild its missile stockpiles, the exact vulnerabilities that forced an end to this war will become the targets our adversaries exploit to start the next one.

Ahmad Hashemi is the Director of the Middle East and Central Asia Program at the Global Policy Institute (GPI). He is a naturalized U.S. citizen in northern Virginia with a unique background as a former Foreign Ministry linguist, pro-democracy activist, and a freelance journalist from Iran. He is currently pursuing a Master’s in Strategic Intelligence Studies at the Institute of World Politics (IWP). His experience also includes a research fellowship at the Hudson Institute, freelance journalism, and multilingual translation in Farsi, Arabic, Turkish, and Azerbaijani. His work at Hudson focused on Iran, Azerbaijan, and Middle Eastern foreign policy issues. He has written for The Hill, National Interest, Washington Examiner, Jewish News Syndicate, the Times of Israel, the Jerusalem Post, Israel Hayom, BBC Persian, Al Arabiya, Iran International, and The Independent Persian, among other media outlets. He has also appeared as a commentator on the BBC Persian, VOA Farsi, Iran International, Bengu Turk TV, Indus TV, and Al Arabiya TV, among other outlets. Before joining Hudson, he worked at Gunaz TV as a political commentator, reporter, and producer. Ahmad Hashemi can be reached at AHMADHASH (at) GMAIL.COM

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18 June, 2026

Ahmad Hashemi on US-Azerbaijan Relations

 

Ahmad Hashemi on US-Azerbaijan Relations 

Ahmad Hashemi on US-Azerbaijan Relations 

In an interview on AnewZ TV, Ahmad Hashemi discussed the shifting dynamics of U.S.-Azerbaijan relations, highlighting a bipartisan legislative effort in the U.S. Congress to repeal Section 907 of the Freedom Support Act.

Passed in 1992, Section 907 originally banned direct U.S. aid to Azerbaijan. Today, critics argue the legislation is outdated and fails to reflect modern geopolitical realities. The new repeal bill has gained significant traction, securing prominent Republican co-sponsors such as Congressman Abraham Hamadeh.

As an “America First” Republican, Congressman Hamadeh’s leadership on this issue signals that the Trump administration views Azerbaijan as an essential strategic partner. In discussions with Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev, Hamadeh emphasized Azerbaijan’s unique geographical significance—neighboring both Iran and Russia—and its critical role in global connectivity, energy, and trade. The initiative underscores a mutual desire between Baku and Washington to forge stronger strategic ties.

Simultaneously, prospects for regional stability are rising through the Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity (TRIPP), also known as the Zangezur Corridor. Both Azerbaijan and Armenia are seeking a historic rapprochement to secure lasting peace. Following the restoration of its territorial integrity, Baku is eager to finalize a deal. Meanwhile, Armenian society signaled its mandate for peace following the June 2026 parliamentary election victory of Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan’s party, opening the door for comprehensive agreements with Azerbaijan and Türkiye.

Washington shares this enthusiasm. While President Trump remains heavily focused on managing conflicts with Iran, the administration is closely monitoring the South Caucasus peace process. Securing a diplomatic breakthrough over the TRIPP corridor offers President Trump a vital opportunity to achieve a major foreign policy victory and cement his legacy as an international dealmaker.

 Link: https://youtu.be/8RoFLAnuVPI

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15 June, 2026

The Iran War Was the Most Significant Foreign Policy Failure of the Trump Administration.

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The Iran War Was the Most Significant Foreign Policy Failure of the Trump Administration.

Ahmad Hashemi’s Brief Take on The Emerging US-Iran Agreement:

The Iran War Was the Most Significant Foreign Policy Failure of the Trump Administration. 

The preliminary US-Iran framework agreement does not signal the birth of a new, stable, peaceful Middle East; it merely pauses a hot war—at least for the time being—while the Cold War continues. The core drivers of regional instability—Iran’s nuclear enrichment, its ballistic missiles, proxy networks, and the security of the Strait of Hormuz—remain insufficiently addressed. This outcome represents a massive strategic defeat for both the United States and Israel. Washington has apparently granted Iran substantial sanctions relief and oil-export access—concessions that did not exist prior to the conflict—while receiving absolutely nothing substantial in return.

5 Core Reasons for Pessimism

  • Israeli Sabotage: Israel views this deal as an existential threat to its hegemonic ambitions in the region and will actively work to dismantle it.
  • Irreconcilable Demands: The foundational geopolitical goals and expectations of Washington and Tehran remain fundamentally opposed.
  • Vanishing Incentives: With the US midterm elections approaching this November, time favors Iran. Tehran has little motivation to offer meaningful concessions now. Paradoxically, the Iranian regime thrives in an environment of chaos and instability.
  • Empowerment of the Regime: The unnecessary war inadvertently fueled nationalistic sentiments and strengthened the Islamic Republic, neutralizing Iran’s domestic civil society and pro-democracy movement while reinforcing a brutal regime.
  • Dual Expansionism: A comprehensive, lasting peace in the Middle East is impossible while both regional powers remain ideologically expansionist—Iran via the export of its Islamic Revolution, and Israel via its biblically motivated territorial annexation ambitions.

Shifting Geopolitical Implications

1. Diminished US Global Standing

The conflict exposed severe limitations in American power. Washington failed to bring Iran to heel, secure the Strait of Hormuz, push Saudi Arabia into a hot war, or enforce normalization with Israel. Furthermore, expensive US defense technology struggled to counter cheap Iranian missiles. The US failed to rally NATO or European allies to its cause, could not dissuade China from backing Tehran, and could not stop Gulf states from cutting private, bilateral deals with Iran to insulate themselves from conflict.

2. Israel’s Strategic Overreach

While Israel successfully drew the US into a direct confrontation with Iran, it achieved none of its strategic goals. There was no regime change, no Arab-Israeli military coalition, and no new territorial annexations in Lebanon. Instead, Israel faced public pushback from President Trump after striking Beirut and was forced into an agreement it fiercely opposed. Consequently, American public opinion is shifting, increasingly blaming Tel Aviv for dragging the US into an unnecessary war. This dynamic risks generational damage to the bilateral relationship, especially given Israel’s systemic reliance on US funding, weaponry, and diplomatic cover.

Domestic Political Friction & Historical Context

President Trump is going to have a hard time selling any agreement with Iran as a victory that is worth the blood and treasure spent on it. Many influential “Israel First” figures have already turned against it. The internal American battle over this deal will be fierce. Hardline pro-Israel decision-shapers and neoconservatives within the US—including Mark Levin, Laura Loomer, and Lindsey Graham—are furious and will actively attempt to abort any future framework. Meanwhile, “America First” voices like former counterterrorism official Joe Kent argue that the only way to ensure the ceasefire holds is to completely cut military and intelligence assistance to Israel.

Simultaneously, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is poised to openly challenge President Trump. Netanyahu needs to oppose peace and deliberately prolong wars to evade his corruption trials, even if he has to commit war crimes and genocide in the process. Facing weak domestic poll numbers ahead of Israel’s October elections, a desperate Netanyahu will likely resort to high-profile defiance of Washington to salvage his political standing, mirroring his historic 2015 address to the US Congress against the Obama administration.

The Cost of Undoing the JCPOA: Ultimately, this conflict underscores the tragedy of ditching the 2015 JCPOA. The original nuclear deal was a landmark diplomatic achievement that contained Iran’s nuclear ambitions. However, driven heavily by animosity toward Obama—because he is Black and his middle name is Hussein—and a political obsession with erasing his predecessor’s legacy, Trump nixed that agreement. As a result, the US has incurred massive global economic costs only to settle for a far weaker, deeply flawed agreement that leaves a brutal Iranian regime rewarded and firmly in place. This stands as the most significant foreign policy failure of the Trump administration. 

Link:

https://realpolitikbyahmad.substack.com/p/the-iran-war-was-the-most-significant

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