26 December, 2012

یاوه سرایی و مهمل گویی سایت بصیرت وابسته به گروهک تروریستی سپاه پاسداران در رابطه با مقاله اخیرم

یاوه سرایی و مهمل گویی سایتهای بصیرت ، بوتیا نیوز و هادی نیوز وابسته به گروهک تروریستی سپاه پاسداران در رابطه با مقاله اخیرم که به رشد افراط گرایان در سوریه و ضرورت مداخله بشردوستانه در این کشور می پردازد:




گروه ترجمه- روزنامه جروزالم‌پست 26 دسامبر 2012 (6دی) در مقاله‌ای به قلم «احمد هاشمی» به تحولات سوریه و چشم‌انداز قدرت‌یابی افراط‌گرایان پرداخت و نوشت: پس از 22 ماه جنگ و با وجود پیشرفت‌های اخیر شورشیان در مقابله با رژیم سوریه، بیشتر مناطق این کشور همچنان تحت حاکمیت بشار اسد است. اگرچه شورشیان به حومه حلب و دمشق نزدیک شده‌اند؛ اما نبرد واقعی برای واپایش(کنترل) پایتخت آغاز شده است. در واقع، شورشیان برای پیروزی در جنگ باید تسلط بر دمشق را به دست گیرند. اتحادیه اروپا و آمریکا ائتلاف ملی سوریه متشکل از گروه‌های مهم مخالفان را به‌عنوان نماینده مشروع مردم سوریه به رسمیت شناخته‌اند، اما افراط‌گرایانی مانند جبهه النصره را به رسمیت نشناخته‌اند. با این تفاسیر نمی‌توان گفت سرنگونی بشار اسد فوری، آرام و آسان است.

در ادامه مقاله آمده است: به‌موازات تشدید یافتن فشار بر اسد، احتمال اینکه به منظور حفاظت از جامعه علویان و به عنوان آخرین گزینه به استفاده از تسلیحات کشتارجمعی پناه ببرد، افزایش می‌یابد. به همین دلیل باید مداخله بین‌المللی صورت گیرد. جامعه بین‌الملل باید از گروه‌های میانه‌رو درون مخالفان حمایت اقتصادی و نظامی کند، زیرا جنگ سوریه به جنگی فرسایشی تبدیل شده و در صورتی که کمک جدی خارجی صورت نگیرد، مخالفان، پیروز این جنگ نخواهند بود. پیشرفت‌های نظامی افرط‌گرایان مرتبط با القاعده مانند جبهه النصره و افزایش محبوبیت آن‌ها باید از سوی کشورهای منطقه و جهان جدی گرفته شود. شورشیان در حملات خود علیه رژیم اسد نیازمند تسلیحات سنگین هستند و بن‌بست کنونی می‌تواند رشد افراط‌گرایان و گروه‌های جهادی درون ارتش آزاد سوریه را رقم بزند. در واقع، آن‌ها دشمن ثبات منطقه‌ای و آزادی و دموکراسی هستند.

در پایان مقاله آمده است: مداخله نظامی غرب، پیامدهای مختلفی را می‌تواند به دنبال داشته باشد: نخست، از اقدام نیروی هوایی سوریه برای استفاده از تسلیحات کشتارجمعی علیه شورشیان و حتی غیرنظامیان جلوگیری می‌کند. تنها یک حمله هوایی مؤثر و ویران‌گر علیه نیروی هوایی سوریه می‌تواند فلج‌کننده باشد. مطابق گزارش منابع مختلف‌، نیروی هوایی سوریه یکی از بزرگ‌ترین نیروها در خاورمیانه است که روسیه، ایران و کره‌ شمالی در تقویت آن نقش بسزایی داشته‌اند. دوم، با بلندپروازی‌های افراط‌گرایان اسلامی مانند گروه جبهه النصر و مهار بهره‌برداری آن از هرج‌ومرج مقابله می‌شود. سوم، کاهش بدبینی نسبت به غرب، کاهش شکاف میان مردم سوریه و در کل منطقه؛ به‌ویژه پس از بی‌تفاوتی آمریکا و اتحادیه اروپا به کشتار جمعی غیرنظامیان سوری. چهارم، الگوسازی برای مردم سایر کشورهای تشنه دموکراسی در خاورمیانه به‌‌ویژه مردم ایران. در واقع، مداخله نظامی غرب، مردم ایران را ترغیب می‌کند که به خیابان‌ها بریزند و علیه حکومت ایران قیام کنند.

اخبار و تحلیل‌ها: نویسنده این مقاله روزنامه صهیونیستی که ظاهراً  از جنگ هشت روزه با جبهه مقاومت در غزه که سوریه بخشی از این جبهه است، کماکان ناراحت است، بیش از آنکه تحلیل واقعی از اوضاع سوریه ارائه دهد، بیشتر آرزوهای قلبی خود را روی کاغذ آورده است و در عین حال بارها ناامیدانه به عدم پیروزی تروریست‌های وارداتی به سوریه نیز اذعان می‌کند و بر همین اساس خواستار دخالت نظامی غرب در این کشور می‌شود و جالب‌تر اینکه، در آرزویی متوهمانه دخالت غرب در سوریه را نقطه امید فتنه‌گران داخلی در ایران برای قیام علیه جمهوری اسلامی نیز می‌داند!


Extremists and conquerors of Syria’s war?


مقاله ام در رابطه با ضرورت مداخله موثر و غیر مستقیم خارجی در سوریه. استدلال این نوشتار بر این محور متمرکز  است که تعلل در مداخله بشردوستانه هوشمندانه می تواند تنها یک برنده داشته باشد: بنیادگرایان


Extremists and conquerors of Syria’s war?

By: Ahmad Hashemi

After 11 months of conflict and despite recent progress made by the rebels, most parts of Syria are still under Assad’s rule. It is true that the Free Syrian Army (FSA) is gaining increasing recognition, and military and diplomatic strength, promising that a regime collapse is nearing, yet, for a plenty of reasons, neither party is able to radically change the current equation on the ground.

Although the rebels have been closing in on the outskirts of Aleppo and Damascus, the real battle for the capital city has barely begun, and the hard inner circle of the regime’s power has yet to be fully engaged. To win the war, the rebels have to conquer the capital and remove Assad from power, and the battle for Damascus could take months of fierce street-to-street fighting before the rebels reach their final goal.

The European Union has almost recognized Syria’s National Coalition, consisting of major opposition groups, as the “legitimate representative” of the Syrian people, and the US, excluding extremists such as al-Nusra Front, has done the same. Even Russia doesn’t rule out the possibility of the rebels toppling Assad anymore. But all this doesn’t necessarily mean the demise of Bashar Assad is imminent, smooth and easy.

As pressure on Assad mounts, the possibility of dramatic surprises can also clearly not be excluded. Pushed into a corner, Assad and his loyal army, mostly from the Alawite sect, could be convinced that, for the sake of their community, it is time to use their last option and resort to the use of WMDs, and this is why international intervention matters.

The world needs to financially and militarily support the moderate factions within the opposition, and the current lack of resolute determination to take action is horrendous because what is going on in the battlefield is simply a futile war of attrition, and if no foreign concrete assistance comes in favor of the opposition, it can’t win the war.

Exploiting this stalemate, religious extremists would emerge as the sole winners of prolonged fighting, which has the potential to turn into an all-out civil war. Recent indications of al-Qaida linked al- Nusra extremists making progress and winning hearts and minds should be taken seriously by the region and the world.

DESPITE HAVING made some significant advances, the rebels lack the heavy weaponry required to launch an effective assault, and the current impasse fuels the growth of extremist factions and jihadi groups within the FSA, which are detrimental to regional stability and hostile to freedom and democracy. Therefore, while a direct ground invasion needs to be strictly avoided, a quick international intervention, coordinated with the FSA, consisting of an effective and massive air strike to destroy government infrastructure and disable Syria’s war machine, is imperative.

Such and intervention will serve several purposes:

1. To deter Assad’s air force from using its partially ready WMDs against rebels and even civilians. Only an effective and crushing air strike targeting the Syrian air force can cripple its ability to act. According to several sources, the Syrian air force is one of the largest in the Middle East, composed of aircraft provided by Russia and missiles acquired from Iran and North Korea. The Syrian military – believed to having one of the largest arsenals of chemical weapons in the world – has loaded chemical weapons into bombs and is preparing for orders from President Bashar Assad to use them.

2. To thwart the ambitions of religious extremists such as al-Qaida affiliate al-Nusra to take advantage of the chaos created after the uprising to gain the upper hand by showing themselves to be the real warriors on the ground.

3. To reduce anti-Western pessimism, rife among the Syrian people and in the region as a whole, which escalated following the indifference displayed by the US and EU vis-àvis the massacre of Syrian civilians.

4. To set up a role model for other democracy-thirsty nations in the Middle East, with Iran in the lead. This support will, in particular, encourage Iranians to take to the streets and boost their morale to defy despotism and tyranny and claim their democratic and civil rights, dealing a blow to the ayatollah’s regime and its nuclear ambitions.
Encouraged by North Korea’s defiance of international warnings, the Islamic Republic is adamant about producing its Islamic nuclear bomb – a term borrowed from Mohsen Rezaee, Iran’s former Revolutionary Guards Corps commander, who coined the phrase in a private meeting back in 2005 – in violation of its so-called IAEA obligations, as its negotiating team buys time in reaching out to the world.

5. Prevent al-Qaida-linked foreign extremists, mostly Sunni Arabs from Iraq, the Persian Gulf region and North Africa from taking part at the war. A recent report by the United Nations Human Rights Council clearly admits this influx has the potential to create a full-fledged sectarian conflict in Syria. Iraqi Shi’ite militias and Hezbollah of Lebanon, in coordination with their big brother, Iran, are increasingly engaging on behalf of Assad. According to various sources, Lebanese and Iraqi Shi’ites and Sunnis are already fighting a proxy war in Syria.

UNDOUBTEDLY, SYRIA’s fate, and that of Bashar Assad should be decided through ballots, not bullets. Yet, fighting a 42-year-old dictatorship, the mainstream, moderate factions of the FSA need support, in the form of sophisticated anti-aircraft and anti-armor weaponry, to win the war. Otherwise, feeling abandoned by the world, the FSA will be forced to choose the only available alternative.
Although the Syrian people tend to practice a moderate form of Islam, living in peaceful coexistence within a framework of tolerance and relative freedom compared to other Arab nations in the region, there is no guarantee that they would not embrace radical Islam, if they have to, as a last resort. The extremists know very well how to exploit complicated and turbulent situations and display their lethal and inhumane ideology as a savior, as they did 34 years ago in Iran.

TO REDUCE the pro-Assad forces’ resistance, hearts and minds must be won. Besides Syria’s Christian minority, Alawites are the most educated and indeed, the most needed sector for reshaping and restructuring post-Assad Syria, and this sect needs to be ensured autonomy and guaranteed internationally-backed security, free from persecution and likely reprisals.

The world community should try to help Syria not to go from bad to worse by falling into hand of extremists, but rather, become a country like Libya – that is trying to observe democratic values – creating friendly ties with the West and Israel and practicing democracy.

Syria shouldn’t become a failed country like Somalia or another fundamentalist state sponsor of terrorism such as the clerical thugocracy of Iran, both of which would be a nightmare for the region and a hotbed for further violence, extremism, instability and terrorism in the already violence-stricken Middle East.

WHILE THE wealthy, oil-rich Arab states have the capacity and willingness to assume the costs of this regime change, they should be warned to render only their military and financial support, not their destructive Salafi and Wahabi ideology.

Israel needs to remain completely neutral, as its engagement, in whatever form, would be controversial and do more harm than good, giving the Syrian regime a pretext to turn the battle into an Arab-Israeli issue with Bashar as the Arab champion.

The world community has to put more pressure on Iraq, and tightly control and monitor the eastern Mediterranean region. Also, Iraqi Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki needs to adopt a more collaborative approach in preventing the influx of weapons and jihadis into Syria. He needs to understand the importance of preventing Iran from using Iraqi territory as a transit route for Iranian weapons and IRGC members.

Turkey should be given a pivotal role, logistically and militarily, since its conservative leader Recep Tayyip Erdogan wishes to appear as another Caliph of the Muslim world in pursuit of his Neo-Ottoman policies by having a major role in removing his fierce enemy.

In addition, the Turkey-Syria border is the only practical route for any humanitarian intervention at least, because 1) Erdogan is ready to do whatever it takes to see a once-close ally, Bashar Assad, toppled and replaced with a likeminded Sunni-dominated conservative political structure, 2) northern Syria is mostly controlled by the FSA and 3) those areas are dominated by a Sunni population eager to establish a political structure laid upon ideals of the Muslim Brotherhood, 4) the An- Nusayriyah Mountains form a natural barrier running parellel to the coast between areas largely populated by Alawites who are ready to fight for their survival on the side of the regime, and the rest of Syria.

Therefore, the time has come to take appropriate action. Because with the continuation of the current settings, as the world watches this embarrassing tragedy, the radical jihadi groups are gradually outnumbering moderates among the rebels, suggesting a protracted and bloody struggle could well lie ahead, the final winner of which would be radicalism.

The influx of foreigners raises the risk of fighting spilling into neighboring countries riven by similar communal fault lines.

Only effective assistance to the moderate factions of the FSA rebels can reverse this gloomy process,


The writer is a former Iranian foreign ministry employee, translator/ interpreter. He is currently seeking political asylum in Turkey and works as a freelance journalist.

13 December, 2012

Syria on the verge of massacre: the world must intervene


مقاله ای دارم به زبان انگلیسی تحت عنوان معمای سوریه که در این مقاله در مورد دلایل و ضرورت مداخله بشردوستانه بین المللی و پایان دادن به بی تفاوتی جامعه بین المللی  به منظور جلوگیری از بروز فاجعه انسانی  و کشتار گسترده احتمالی مردم و غیرنظامیان سوریه توسط نیروهای بشار اسد با همکاری سپاه قدس و استفاده احتمالی از سلاحهای کشتار جمعی و بویژه تسلیحات شیمیایی پرداخته ام



Syria on the verge of massacre: the world must intervene
Published in: A Time to Betray, Iran Briefing, and The Times of Israel    


Inspired by the democratic movements all across the Greater Middle East region, known as the “Arab Spring,” the Syrians, though cautiously at the beginning, took to the streets demanding further political and social reforms and greater freedoms. Launched in March 2011, the Syrian uprising was a first major sign of popular resentment against the authoritarian Ba’ath party rule since the bloody clampdown on a revolt back in 1982 in Hama.

With the escalation of the civil casualties turning into a human tragedy of the uprising, few countries and organizations, including Russia, Iran and its proxy Hezbollah, could afford to remain indifferent in what was happening inside Syria. Even Tehran’s mercenaries such as Hamas sided with the Syrian opposition. Having nothing to lose itself, Iran burned the credit of its ally Hezbollah – gained after Israeli forces retreated from southern Lebanon and strengthened by the 33-day war with Israel in 2006 – and severely damaged the reputation and popularity of the so-called resistance front.

Tehran put Assad as well as his comrades from the Alawite sect at great risk because after the inevitable demise of the Baath party dictatorship, this minority will suffer the most and will be forced to leave the post-Assad Syria or at least to flee retaliation by the Sunni majority and take shelter in the Alawite stronghold of the coastal mountainous areas along the Mediterranean shore, with its major provincial towns of Lattakia and Tartus. There, they will need to accept the reality of – and find a way to live within – the eventual framework of a most-likely secular, democratic and Sunni-dominated political system.

As a politician who inherited power from his father, Bashar Assad was smart enough to understand the consequences of the critical situation he was facing in order to act properly. If not for Iran’s temptation, influence, persuasion as well as its all-out support, the regime in Damascus would most probably have compromised on a mutually agreeable solution with the opposition to bring about more liberties and to expedite reforms to stifle the public anger, instead of defying and insisting on further bloodshed.

Iran seems unwilling to allow Assad to even think of a possibility of any concession whatsoever. Therefore, if no quick and effective step is taken by the world community, the worst is still ahead and the regime in Tehran, through providing both chemical weapons and its death technologies to Syrian regime, will try to keep the leader of the protégé state in power. Iran has the capability and motivation to deliver its lethal materials to the embattled ally to use as the last resort. Iran is also very skillful and experienced when it comes to buying time for the Syrian regime: Tehran has escaped major international punishments and a strong response to its proliferation activities by misusing the so-called diplomacy and negotiation table. It knows very well how to buy time in order to delay any would-be concession, so to realize its nuclear ambitions.

Although there are serious limitations on the effectiveness of any military solution for bringing an end to a brutal dictatorship and replacing it with a democracy, in the case of Syria, a military intervention for humanitarian purposes is increasingly becoming a necessity. Similar to what happened in the case of Libya, the Syrian people now need to see firm support by the international community, i.e. a concrete step: a buffer zone implemented by NATO or a no-fly-zone carried out by US air forces over Free Syrian Army-controlled areas. The world needs to stop watching this massacre and step in to act before it is too late, in order to prevent the realization of the worst case scenario, a scenario engineered by Russia on the diplomatic front and Iran with its military and logistic support in sending chemical and biological weapons and IRGC Quds fighters to the Syrian battlefield. Otherwise, we will witness another massacre like the one Saddam Hussein perpetrated against the Kurds in Halabja, but this time in the major Sunni-dominated towns of Syria.
According to confidential information I personally gained in my four years of working as the Iranian Foreign Ministry’s interpreter, including attending various activities of the Organization for the Prevention of Chemical Weapons, Iran has every reason and all the know-how to mass produce the WMD’s for both domestic purposes as well as providing them for its allies. And when needed, Iran will not hesitate to supply the Assad regime with chemical and biological as well as other types of weapons of mass destruction. Assad has put everything at stake by placing all his eggs in the basket of Iran’s IRGC-Quds Force in the hope that when the worst case happens, it will rescue and grant him a safe haven in Tehran.

The Syria of tomorrow
Bashar has the same brutality and willingness to succeed at doing what his fellow despot, Libya’s Kaddafi, failed to do. And he has everything he needs to achieve the mission: firm and unwavering support from Tehran and Moscow, together with a considerable amount of chemical and other unconventional weapons. He is no less dangerous and savage than Kaddafi and if Kaddafi was unable to carry out his plans for mass slaughter, it was only because of the timely international engagement that foiled his evil plans. It is believed that Syria has already acquired enough chemical weapons from Iran and North Korea and, if needed, Tehran can hand over the latest of its weaponries, including its missiles technology and more WMD’s through different routes including but not limited to, Iraq of Nuri Al-Maliki, Eritrean Red Sea port, Sudan, terrorist groups like Salafi radicals active in north Africa particularly in post-Kaddafi Libya, Hamas and Hezbollah and by utilizing methods such as shipment under flag of other companies.

The fall of the current regime in Syria will greatly pave the way for democratization of the Levant region and severely weaken the position of Hezbollah and Islamic Jihad and to some degree Hamas as the mercenaries and front entities of the Islamic Republic. This will in turn, expose the “Mullah Thugocracy” as being more vulnerable to internal thirst for regime change and external pressures. What matters the most at this juncture is putting an end to inaction and offering a crushing response by the world community.
The time has come for the international community, led by the UN, NATO, USA and the European Union to engage and intervene on humanitarian grounds. Whether it will remains to be seen.

Ahmad Hashemi is a former Iranian foreign ministry employee, translator / interpreter. He is currently seeking political asylum in Turkey and works as a freelance journalist.

06 November, 2012

My Photo Gallery ------------------------- تصاویر من


احمد هاشمی کارمند سابق وزارت امور خارجه جمهوری اسلامی ایران
مترجم سه زبانه سران سه قوه، روزنامه نگار آزاد


 احمد هاشمی در سال 1356 خورشیدی برابر با سال۱۹۷۷میلادی در شهر قم متولد شد. او مدرککارشناسی خود را درعلوم سیاسی از دانشگاه تهران اخذ نمود و در مقطعکارشناسی ارشد در مطالعات آمریکا از دانشکده روابط بین الملل وزارت امور خارجه فارغ التحصیل شد
.
او در ژانویه ۲۰۰۸ (اواخر سال 1386) به عنوان کارشناس اداره کل تشریفات و مترجم زبانهایانگلیسی، ترکی و بعضاًعربی به استخدام وزارت امور خارجه درآمد. به هنگام اوج گیری حرکتهای اعتراضی مردم در سال ۲۰۰۹ (سال 1388) او به طور فعالانه در اعتراضات دمکراسی طلبانه جنبش سبز شرکت کرد. احمد هاشمی در انتخابات پارلمانی سال ۲۰۱۲ (سال 1391) برای نمایندگی مجلس ثبت نام نمود ولی پس از اعتراض به رد صلاحیت خود توسط شورای نگهبان، با مشکلات عدیده ای روبرو شد.

وی به همین دلیل و مسایل دیگر در ماه مه ۲۰۱۲ از کار خود اخراج گردید. از اوایل ماه مه ۲۰۱۲ او شروع به همکاری با روزنامه های اصلاح طلب نظیر شرق و اعتماد نمود. به دلیل داشتن اطلاعات طبقه بندی شده در مورد برنامه های تسلیحاتی رژیم، او به طور مستمر مورد تهدید، شکنجه روانی و محدودیت هایی قرار گرفته و نهایتا با دریافت تهدید به مرگ از ایران گریخت و اکنون به عنوان پناهنده سیاسی در ترکیه به سر می برد. وی هم اکنون به عنوان نویسنده و روزنامه نگار با رسانه های فارسی زبان و بین المللی همکاری می کند.

AHMAD HASHEMI
Iranian Independent/ Freelance Journalist,
Former Iranian Foreign Ministry Employee, Trilingual Translator-Interpreter of the Three Branches of I.R.IRAN Government (English, Arabic & Turkish)



Ahmad Hashemi, was born in extremely conservative city of Qom in 1977. He earned a Bachelor’s Degree in Political Science at the University of Tehranand has a Master’s Degree in American Studiesfrom the Iranian Foreign Ministry’s School of International Relations.

In January 2008, he joined the
Ministry of Foreign Affairsas an EnglishTurkishand occasionally Arabic interpreter. When the popular uprising began in 2009, he was actively involved in the pro-democracyGreen Movement protests. In early 2012 he nominated to run forparliamentary election but was disqualified by theGuardians Council.

For this and other reasons, he was summoned and dismissed from his job in May 2012.
From early May 2012, he began to contribute articles for the leading reformist dailies such asShargh andEtemaadnewspapers. Because of his classified information with regard to some of the regime’s proliferation programs, Ahmad Hashemi was subject to constant threats, mental torture and restrictions.

He fled his country and currently isseeking political asylum in Turkey. In his work as a writer and freelance journalist, he contributes to Persian-language and international media.



تصاویر مربوط به دورانی که در وزارت امور خارجه جمهوری اسلامی ایران شاغل بودم:
My photos dating back to the times when I used to work for the Islamic Republic of Iran's Foreign Ministry:
Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad receives AllahshükürPashazade, Sheikh ul-Islam and Grand Mufti of the Caucasus and chairman of theReligious Council of the Caucasus.

Iranian Vice-President Rahimi receives Didymus Noel EdwinMutasa, Minister of State for Presidential Affairs and as the Secretary forAdministration of ZANU-PF in Zimbabwe.


Iranian Vice-President Rahimi receives Senator JulianFrancis, Ministry of Transport, Works, Urban Development and Local Government.


Iranian Vice-President Rahimi receives Regional Director ofWorld Health Organization (WHO), Alaeddin Alvan.


MINISTER OF HOUSING meets UN-HABITAT DIRECTOR


DEPUTY INTERIOR MINISTER meets UNHCR DELEGATION

Kofi Annan visits Iran


President AHMADINEJAD receives AZERBAIJANI Official